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2008’s communiques of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (English)

Wednesday, December 1, 2010

Communique on the arson against the french press agency (Athens, 3/12/2008)
While the peaceful citizens where enjoying the coffee break of their inexistance in the paved street of Kolonaki, we set ourselves for once again under the “services” of destruction and prepared a new gift out of idyllic ashes. With these, we send our revolutionary greetings to the French comrades that selected to attack the network of the high speed trains, sabotaging the routes of everyday hurry and anxiety, of a determined pre-set life imposed by the bio-authority to its subjects.

Striking at the ordinary flaw of the system, using aggresive means in the midst of the servitude suggested by the social actuality, for once again proving in vivo the vulnerable structure of the fortified uniformity of this world. We despise the cowardice of the crowds that is so welcome within this enslaved society and strive to point that society exists for us and not the opposite.

Thus we will invade repeatedly and suddenly, eroding and poisoning its inner core, in order to eliminate everything that isn’t us, by our very selves. A project materialized through our devotion to the revolution. A revolution eternal and tireless, worthy to battle every day to realise its most inexorable, feral and dark expression…

THE ORCHESTRATION OF A SWEEPING ASSAULT AGAINST REALITY GOES ON.
WE ‘LL BE BACK SOON!

CONSPIRACY OF CELLS OF FIRE ATHENS
CELL OF INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY

Communique on the three day arsonist rampage (Athens-Thessaloniki, 2-3-4/11/2008)
The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire claims responsibility for the arsonist rampage that took place from Sunday night to Tuesday afternoon in Athens and Thessaloniki. Namely, in Athens, we set on fire a military jeep of the Nave at Halandri (something the cops hidden out), vehicles of the navy in the entrance of the building of Naval Command on Klafthmonos square, the company of digital systems ACE HELLAS at Agia Paraskevi that cooperates with the greek army, the club of retired army officers on Halkokondyli street, the union of retired army officers on Harilaou Trikoupi and Akadimias street corner, the political office of the minister of national defence Vaggelis Meimarakis.

In Thessaloniki we set on fire the club of reserve officers of the Armed Forces at Evosmos, a military private school on Margariti street and an ATM of Geniki Bank that cooperates with the army, at Kalamaria.

We also take responsibility for the attack at the military courthouse at Rouf on Tuesday October 28.

POLEMIC OF ECONOMY

In our era, as always, the military branch of every state consists an indivisible part of the development of its geo-political and economic interests. Conducting wars is an inevitable outcome of the intense economic crises of the capitalist system. A typical example of this condition was the exponential growth of the war industry in the beginnings of the 20th century and the economic crash of 1929 at the USA, accompanied with a long-term crisis of the world market, facts that contributed to the process of the first and the second world war, respectively. Military operations and management of the economic interests are an all-time, all-state direct relation in the route of human history.

From the NATO bases in european ground, to the “pacificatory” interventions in the middle East, army has the role of an essential force to maintain and expand the economic interests of the western states. To feed the machinery of war and the war industry it is needed to keep social peace inside the mitropoles of the western states. War and peace, two different faces, two different expressions of the capitalist dominion. Continue reading 2008’s communiques of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (English)

Italy: Communique from the Informal Anarchist Federation, “Do not say that we are few” [full DRAFT translation]

Posted on August 8, 2011
Due to the timeliness and relevance of the following text, we are releasing a complete but unpolished draft translation of it. Source: culmine. Translation by: war on society:
(This draft translation contains a few errors and some poor wording; it should be mainly understandable as it is, but we ask that it not be disseminated very widely yet; please expect a final version to appear in the coming week…)

Do not say that we are few

To our sisters and brothers of the FAI / International Revolutionary Front, a contribution reasoning its communication, organization and armed struggle, at the dawn of a new era

Do not say that we are few
And that the commitment is too great for us.
Would you say that two or three tufts of clouds
Are few in the corner of the summer sky?
In a moment they let down wherever …
Flashes of lightning, bursts of thunder
And it rains on everything.
Do not say that we are few
Say only that we are.

– Lee Kwang Su
We the comrades of the “FAI / Artisans Cooperative of Fire and Affinity (occasionally spectacular) / International Revolutionary Front” and of the “FAI / 20th of July Brigade / International Revolutionary Front” claim in this writing the fruit of a meeting of more voices, in the name of the comrades “FAI / Sisters-in-arms, Mauricio Morales Cell / International Revolutionary Front,” the parcel bomb that in March 2011 resulted in the serious wounding of the Lieutenant Colonel of the thunderbolt Alexander Albamonte, the parcel bomb that lightly wounded the clerk of the Swissnuclear office, and the parcel bomb to the Koridallos prison in solidarity with our sisters and brothers of the “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / FAI / International Revolutionary Front.”
In recent times, in the metropolises overlooking the banks of the Mediterranean, the streets are continually animated by increasingly heated protests and manifestations of the oppressed who are no longer willing to suffer the oppression of rule: from Greece to Tunisia, from Spain to Libya, the fuse continues to burn. In one of these streets we met and we have decided to deepen the discussion on what is moving in the circles of insurrectional anarchism across the world.
Within the general optimism of the comrades who, in the diversity seen always new outbreaks of struggle, in a dialogical and lively informal international confrontation, there was a dissonant voice. It was a comrade of our “Sisters-in-arms, Mauricio Morales Cell,” who told us ragefully of the censorship of the communique/discussion that claimed the actions mentioned above. These 12 claims, delivered by post to various realities of the anarchist movement in Italian, were not published by any, preventing a communication vital for the international growth of informal discussion. Today we know that this censure is only the desperate reaction of a former anarchist tainted by assemblary bureaucratism and by the obsession of the social struggle transformed into stupidity in partial struggle.
From the ashes of the old and glorious individualist anarchism, a new insurrectionalism has been / is being born. As our sisters wrote in their never-arrived claim: “For the first time in history an informal organization, a federation of informal groups across the world was made flesh, bleeding and drawing blood.” The informal organization is no longer an abstract fantasy, a soliloquy in the mouth of a handful of (more or less learned, more or less sincere) comrades. In these last years, in various parts of the world, the new nihilists have sparked the concern of various states, and fear and hostility in the official part of the anarchist movement. The new anarchism will give the destructive fantasy its proper force and will cement the nihilistic act with the proper consistency. Since we launched the proposal for an “Informal Anarchist Federation,” much water has passed under the bridge. Today, thanks to the sisters and brothers of the “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” who have relaunched the “FAI / International Revolutionary Front,” the “FAI / International Network,” “The International Network of Action and Solidarity,” the “Informal Anarchist Federation – International Network“… with its thousands of names has become a reality. A reality which, now more than ever, needs to grow through the medium of informal organization on the world stage thanks to a federation of action groups. Dozens and dozens of cells, nuclei, movements, and individual comrades who diffusely and horizontally, united by a strong and clear pact of mutual aid, chaotically and destructively wage war on the existent.
In Greece:
– Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / FAI / International Revolutionary Front
– International Revolutionary Front / Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Revolutionary Groups for the Spreading of Terror – Cell of Vandalisms.
– International Revolutionary Front / Terrorist Warriors’ Complicity of the fallen commando John Severino
– International Revolutionary Front / Deviant Behaviors for the Spreading of Revolutionary Terrorism / Cell of Anarchic Action
– Cell of Revolutionary Solidarity – FAI
– Anarchist Revolutionary Front / Deviant Behaviors for the Spreading of Revolutionary Terrorism / Cell of Reflexive Attack
– FAI / Cell of Aggressive Conscience
– International Revolutionary Front / Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Revolutionary Groups for the Spreading of Terror / Abnormal Cell-Heretics
In Indonesia:
– FAI Informal Anarchist Federation, Indonesia Section.
In Mexico:
The two souls of Mexican insurrectionalism (ALF-ELF) and the Autonomous Cells for Immediate Revolution – Praxedis G. Guerrero.
– Informal Anarchist Federation / Acrata
– Earth Liberation Front (ELF) / International Network of Action and Solidarity – Anti-Civilization Informal Group
– Earth Liberation Front (ELF) / Informal Anarchist Federation International Network
– Insurrectional Cell Sole-Baleno of the Autonomous Cells for Immediate Revolution – Praxedis G. Guerrero / FAI
– Commando of Free, Dangerous, Wild and Incendiary Individuals for the Black Plague / FAI / International Network
– Luddites Against the Domestication of Wild Nature / FAI / International Network
– Eco-Anarchist Cell for the Direct Attack / FAI / International Network
– Revolutionary Action Brigade for propaganda by the deed and armed action – Simon Radowisky / FAI / International Network
In Chile:
– International Revolutionary Front / Insurrectional Commando Aracely Romo
– Commando 8th of December International Coordination FAI
In Russia:
– ELF Russia Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI) / International Network of Action and Solidarity / International Revolutionary Front
In Peru:
– Circle of Iconoclastic Action / FAI
In the Netherlands:
– Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – Dutch Cell
In England:
– International Informal Anarchist Federation / FAI
In Italy:
– FAI / Artisans Cooperative of Fire and Affinity (occasionally spectacular) / International Revolutionary Front.
– FAI / 20th of July Brigade / International Revolutionary Front
– FAI / Sisters-in-arms, Mauricio Morales Cell / International Revolutionary Front
– FAI / Lambros Fountas Revolutionary Cell
– FAI / International Solidarity
– FAI / Animal Revolt
– FAI / Horst Fantazzini Revolutionary Nucleus
– FAI / Cell against Capital and Prison and its Jailers and its Cages
– FAI / Armed Cell for International Solidarity
– FAI / Terrible Anonymous Revolt (RAT)
– FAI / Metropolitan Cell
– FAI / Narodnaja Vojla
It has been ten years during which, through action with our limitations, but with constancy, we have striven to realize this organizational design. Naturally the growth will not be linear and progressive, there will be ups and downs, for long and short periods in which almost all will be silent and then back stronger than ever in a country that we might not even imagine. Every group and individual with its strength, its will, will give its proper contribution of action and of communication to help everyone else to adjust the shot.
The repression has hit hard in Greece. Our sisters and brothers of the “Cells of Fire” continue to fight within the walls, participating with their writings, in an exceptional manner, in this organizational arrangement. If we know one thing, in such diversity, we are the hand that will break the chains. At first what we will bind the revolutionary solidarity through what some anarchists stupidly call “fictive movement,” failing to understand that their solidarity is tempered in any revolutionary project.
In our history we in the Italian FAI have always acted, without mediation, in “social” struggles: the struggle against FIES [extreme isolation units in Spanish prisons used to cage anarchist prisoners and other “uncontrollables”], the struggle against CIE, never relating to them in a demagogic top-to-bottom way. We have always acted as individuals not wanting to indoctrinate anyone. We destroy that which destroys us, what does not kill us makes us stronger.
The only limits that we place our actions are of an ethical character. In a world divided into included and excluded, we have with our actions made a choice. We are not interested in a society divided into classes, we do not want any dictatorship of one class over another, we want anarchy! Millions of microcosms where each individual can experiment freely. Something very similar to what we experience every day through action, elaborated in the best way of organizing without surrendering one’s own individual freedom. It is amazing to grow in this organizational experience together with sisters and brothers who we have never seen and probably never will see. It is amazing how, in a given historical moment, individuals who do not know each other come to the same conclusions.
We do not know how the FAI / International Revolutionary Front will evolve; the possibilities are enormous and unimaginable. It could die in a flash or grow exponentially. Our growth will be mainly qualitative, growth consistent with the unimaginable potential of informal organization. It will take a long time before the FAI / International Revolutionary Front gives its best, before the informal organization creates real problems in this state of things.
It is a war of anarchist resistance that began more than a century ago. With its highs: the contribution of the Paris Commune, the era of propaganda by the deed, the era of great revolutions and its lows: the trade unions, non-violence, the libertarian municipalism, all of which we believe goes by the name of compromise.
Our path will be characterized by a long and continuous communication through action. Communication is the core of all our informal structure, and is also its weakness. Until a year ago, our action-communiques could be read on the front pages of all major Italian newspapers; this sufficed us to communicate. Today, power (it was inevitable) has realized the danger of this communication and they censor not the action but the communique, the message. To speed up the dissemination of this writing and to reach the greatest possible number of actual anarchists, we decided to use e-mail. This choice is also due to the scarcity of Italian language publications willing and able to give space to what is new is moving in the anarchist movement internationally. To increase the reproducibility of an action, in our opinion, this action must be motivated, claimed. Otherwise, power will pollute it, distorting the meaning and making it in fact sterile and this, which we write, we know well for having experienced it directly on our skin many times. A destructive action will always remain a beautiful thing, even if it is not claimed. It can be done for the sheer pleasure of doing it. To do something right is always good. But to us this is not enough, we want to make this system fall. The more reproducible the action, the greater is its real destructive potential; the more rebels understand that a real resistance exists the more they will be motivated to action. In the past and even today, some of us happened to individually participate in actions that were not claimed, with comrades who of course were not part of the FAI / International Revolutionary Front, in order to make technical data that could save the precious lives of comrades, and–why not?–to learn some new technique.
We of the Italian FAI continue to travel all the routes that can flow into the revolutionary river. Riots, popular struggles, more circumscribed projects of radical struggle, all contribute to give new life to our practices of attack. It has been ten years that we have acted undisturbed. Power hits right and left with increasingly fanciful repressive operations, but so far none of us has ever been hit. We regret very much for the comrades who were arrested and indicted, but better that the perpetrators remain outside, free to strike and to strike again. Some of us may fall, but will soon be replaced by other groups. We hope on this occasion to behave like the sisters and brothers of the “Cells of Fire,” who continue the struggle with courage and consistency within the walls of a prison that we are sure will miss.
Criticism must always be active and alert. We have to save criticism and self-criticism from self-referentialism that would lead us to be fictitious, to go nowhere.
As we’ve said before, it is preferable that the affinity groups are not known to each other, to better combat repression, but if it happens like it happened to us, to re-meet in the field of movement, then the risks increase contemporaneously with the immediate prospects. For example, increased technical capacity, increased chances of acquiring weapons and explosives, greater ability to support the comrades forced into clandestinity.
We have read with great attention “The Sun Still Rises” of the “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire,” and we came to the conclusion that the three key points of the informal agreement of the second generation of the “Cells of Fire” can become the key points the “FAI / International Revolutionary Front.” In these three points are based on our main features.
First: the destructive direct action as a necessary and indispensable. Action that can go from the launch of a Molotov cocktail to the assassination, with no hierarchy of importance, each group or individual will decide how best to take, in accordance with its own revolutionary ethic that surely must agree never to strike in the pile. This point should give rise, according to our perspective, to a new anarchist and nihilist guerrilla, thousands and thousands of fires against capital wherever.
The second key point is important to us and ­­­we are never the spokesmen, representatives of anyone. We do not represent that we, women and men, in constant revolt against the existent, against political power, technological power, the power of capital which is likely to wipe out the entire lives on this planet on all levels. In us naturally there is no hope in a class that will impose its dictatorship over another, which then always reduces to the dictatorship of the “representatives” of a class over all others. In us there is no solidarity that does not confront subjugation, but that if the exploited do not move a finger to lift, contributing thereby also to our oppression. What qualifies us most is the refusal of delegation, of “representation,” our revolt is individual and it is there that our anarchism, nihilism and revolution traverses the organizational instrument of the informal federation.
The third issue featuring: international revolutionary solidarity. The comrades who participate in this informal arrangement should launch campaigns of struggle that will join with other groups of the FAI / International Revolutionary Front, in their own time and manner. Three simple and direct points which we believe would mark a step forward for our informal organization, expanding its vision of “anti-social” and “nihilistic” the founding document of the FAI, “Who we are: An open letter to the anti-authoritarian and anarchist movement.”
Everything about the “FAI / International Revolutionary Front” is in chaotic and continual evolution, beginning with its many names and definitions. We are only just beginning, the “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” is the motor of this explosion of revolutionary vitality. The driving force of an informal federation that is growing and that has exceeded the confines—which for us anarchists are dead—of nations. Any organizational writing, analysis and criticism coming from the actions of the FAI / International Revolutionary Front will never be the definitive one. Our informal federation is in continual evolution. The comrades of the International Revolutionary Front span the world by one fire and another, already contributing to the analysis and to the growth of this project. Our sisters and our brothers who are imprisoned are our greatest strength, their analysis opens our eyes, our anger and hatred for their arrest gives us strength. A continuous and infinite organizational adjustment: this is the Informal Federation at its source, not in the perspective of a distant future revolutionary world that will arrive we do not know when, if ever, but in the perspective of the quality of our existence, which in this moment, here and now, is fully realized in the armed struggle against power.
We of the Italian FAI propose as the banner of this struggle the symbol of the “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire,” the 5 arrows of different lengths and different directions that together affect the power. To indicate the myriad of groups and individuals of the International Revolutionary Front / FAI, who, with varying intensity but united by a pact of mutual aid, strike without breath. The arrows are topped by a black star with an A inside, our symbol of anarchism; above the star, the name of the group of the International Revolutionary Front that claims the action. We decided on a symbolism for the story of “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” came in and we broke through the rebels in our hearts. This, of course, if the Greek comrades are in agreement.
In a time of world crisis at all levels, perhaps an informal anarchic structure means to stop awaiting the events and go to the revolution. In Arab countries, regimes collapsed to give rise to other regimes, this time democratic. The world super powers are easy game to influence events, Europe is on the brink of collapse, we must not remain with hand in hand, tied to old organizational schemes that have already past their worst. To hold an Informal Anarchist Federation is to concretely intervene in view of the struggles of the excluded of the whole world, it is to concretely intervene in the struggle that nature takes every day against criminal human “technology.” To intervene through the reality of widespread attacks on the territory. Attacks that are never missed, but that tie together by an informal international network based on the pact of mutual aid, becoming more visible, more virulent, multiplying the diffusion and in fact the subversive potential. As we have said, we do not believe we have the truth in our pocket, but we are convinced that in certain moments in history, the ideas impose themselves on their own, now is the time to give the real contribution that perhaps will make the difference. A good wager, which we make, the best wager that an anarchist revolutionary can make, to throw your heart over the obstacle and see what happens.
We of the FAI / Artisans Cooperative of Fire and Affinity (sometimes spectacular) / International Revolutionary Front and the FAI / 20th of July Brigade / International Revolutionary Front adhere to the campaign of revolutionary solidarity that the comrades FAI / Sisters-in-arms, Mauricio Morales Cell have initiated with the package bomb to the Koridallos prison. Once a year, we will strike in solidarity with our sisters and brothers of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire until we find them in freedom. The dozens and dozens of years in prison to which they were condemned will be transformed into a tragic boomerang for the Greek state. The interests of that state in Italy will be struck, year after year, with ever increasing hardness. We invite other groups and individuals of the FAI / International Revolutionary Front around the world to do likewise.
LONG LIVE THE CONSPIRACY OF CELLS OF FIRE
LONG LIVE THE FAI / / INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY FRONT
FAI / Artisans Cooperative of Fire and Affinity (sometimes spectacular) / International Revolutionary Front
FAI / 20th of July Brigade / International Revolutionary Front


Transfer of Gerasimos Tsakalos member of C.C.F.

Posted on June 19, 2011 


On 16-6-2011 Gerasimos Tsakaloswas transferred from the prisons of Corinth to the prisons of Domokos in D1 wing with Damiano Bolano after the carrying out of his disciplinary transfer.
He sends his warm greetings to the comrades of Conspiracy Cells of Fire / Revolutionary Groups of Propagation of Terror, that answered to the call of Conspiracy Cells of Fire of the first period, carrying out an attack on T-Bank on Panormou street on the 4th of June.
actforfreedomnow!

Letter from Damiano Bolano, imprisoned anarchist comrade of the Revolutionary Organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, from Domokos prison 

Posted on June 12, 2011 by
1


Until the end…

We will shout: grab the axes! We will strike mercilessly the authority without sparring our blows since they do not either. We will vanish them from the squares when their gang of dogs dares to show up there. We will vanish them from the cobbled streets of the countryside and the avenues of the capital. We will vanish them from the villages. Remember that when this happens, whoever is not with us, will be against us, an enemy. And we will use every mean in order to exterminate an enemy.”
I recognize as a member of the R.O. Conspiracy Cells of Fire and from now on as a captive of war. A war which indirectly has been declared dozens of centuries now, from the dominators against the dominated, not making its presence perceivable in order that those subjugated live in illusions of freedom, and directly towards the anarchist revolutionaries and each decent person that is not subjugated and resists the smooth operation of the governmental mechanism.
A war which is carried out daily in the working spaces, the schools, the centres of detainment of immigrants, in the prisons, in the street, in the army…
“The system has not only simply imposed the directions of daily life, but has achieved to convince its tributary of its necessity, for its moral legalization and many are willing to defend it against its enemies.”
We as warriors against every form of authority but also against every logic of self slavery, have a duty to adopt the total rupture and refusal of every system but also society in its present form. Besides, as history has shown, most of those who wait for society to wake up, fall “asleep”. And it is unacceptable to excuse and support people who are immobilized in their incompetence to define their own lives.
On the contrary, we should criticize them constantly until they take a stand. Until they come out of the sphere of neutrality, losing the dumb smile of the junky TV-viewer and the cow look of the never full consumer and stand next to our revolutionary daily life or against us.

“Society is as weak and soulless as the authority it always serves. As a body it is watered to the smallest pore of its organism by petty dogmatism, servility, corrupted and selfish instincts”
Class segregation in society must be replaced by the individual and later the collective segregation according to the choices, the conscience and the way of life of each one of us. Because we are nothing more than our choices themselves, which mirror our conscience on our way of life. We have drawn the path of refusal, our refusal and we go along against the society of executioners, the warmth and care freeness that is promised with a law-abiding life, because we have learned to look forward and never lick where we spit.

We should vanish politicians, judges, journalists
We should annihilate cops, fascists, people-guards, bosses
We should attack well-respected citizens, snitches, sexists, animal torturers
Concerning the anarchist (new) urban guerrilla
The anarchist urban guerrilla is and continues to be for me an attitude and way of life, against anything and anyone who wants us slaves of the system. It is the sand in the cogs of the authoritarian mechanism.

A way to take our lives into our own hands and become masters of ourselves.
A way to combine theory and practice.
A way to transubstantiate the utopia into a reality here and now.
A way to honour our choices and refusals.
A path towards absolute freedom, which aims at blowing up and sabotaging the symbols of authority and the social relations that make them acceptable.
A path of refusal and destruction of the roles they impose on us.
However, knowing that the purpose defines the means, we conclude that the new urban guerrilla is one more mean that uses as its main characteristic, direct action. And must be absolutely identified with the aim, which in our case, is the accomplishment of an unconditional freedom based on Anarchy. It is one of the tools that every anarchist revolutionary should have in their arsenal, and combined with the general multiform action of the anarchist movement, a more true and substantial feeling of reality, of our reality, where we live based on equality, dignity, solidarity, pride, self-organization, freedom….
It is the noose on the neck of every authoritarian
A path of constant and continuous attack

I publicize the following text not to define myself as a victim of the “democratic” police but to manage to transfer my experiences to comrades that might in the future be in my position, so they are somehow prepared.
In the early hours of Monday 14/3/2011 a raid is carried out by the EKAM (special forces) on the house on Ellispontou street 53 in Volos and my arrest as well as my four comrades’ follows. Our transfer by the torturers of democracy to the 12th floor of GADA (police headquarters of athens) is carried out immediately with ordinary cars, tied up hands and hoods over the head. During the transfer there were many racist remarks and swearing towards me, while every now and then they took souvenir photos.
My welcoming in GADA was a kicking-fest by many cops, for a long time, since I wouldn’t reveal my identity. Eventually after they took off my hood and discovered who I am, they made me look at a wall and every now and then continued the beating, just to remind me where I am. Sometimes I would hear the torturing of my comrades from the other rooms, and the cops tried to remind me that the others have “given” me away and it would be good for me if I spoke as well.
Finally my time came to enter the room of torture of my comrades which is nothing other than the room where they take your fingerprints. As soon as they put me inside, they took off my handcuffs and five of them grab and tried to ut my hands in the ink. After seeing they couldn’t manage more came, and all together they immobilize me on the ground leaving their equipment on the floor. One cop had his knee on my neck, two more on my back and, two more holding my hands and two holding my legs down. The one that was trying to take my prints after realizing he can’t open my hand stuck a piece of metal in my fist and putting all his weight on it, started to twist it. At the same time another cop pulled back a finger of my other hand so far, until it was completely numb. This way the accomplished to take my prints, with only difficulty some spasms of my hand, that aimed at making it as hard as possible for them. They immediately cuffed me again and stood me up to look at the wall. Afterwards they took me in for prints again with the exact same procedure, since I did not give them to them, and although they already had them, because as an anarchist I refuse to obey any order from the pigs of authority.
In the midst of the fingerprint procedure, a cop stuck something like a large ear bud in my mouth for DNA. They also confiscated my shirt for the same reason.
After they were done, they put me up again to look at the wall where again the racist remarks continued. They made me listen to marching sounds and the greek national anthem, emphasizing the point that if I just said “fuck Albania” everything would end. I laughed at the thought that it would cost me nothing to say it, but I considered that my refusal should be total and threes no room for humoristic intervals. Shortly afterwards two of them took me to a room, where exhausted now I tried to fight off having my photo taken. Right after that, they took me to another room and for a few hours left me there looking at a wall cuffed behind my back, even when they eventually moved me to a small dungeon with the light on day and night and with no communication with my comrades.
The next morning, the “consistent” employees came with legal procedures to ask if we want to give photos and fingerprints. When I heard that, I smiled ironically without even answering them.
I am obliged to never accept the role of the hunted but only that of the attacker
An attacker in society
An attacker on the run
And I remain an attacker in prison as well
The day I was transferred to Domokos prisons, the guard who was in charge of dividing up the people in prison made the mistake (maybe on purpose, aiming at my ethical extermination) to put me with the murderer of comrade Alexandros Grigoropoulos and the obvious happened: As soon as I saw him I gave him some quick ones, until the law-abiding prisoners jumped on me to stop me.
Naturally my first day in the hellhole was inaugurated with a disciplinary penalty. And in the procedure where they gave me the disciplinary the atmosphere was intense with swearing and insults when they brought him in guarded by three screws. As well, it is obvious that I refused to apologize to the prosecutor considering it my honour to cause some damage to the killer-cop Korkoneas.
After this I adopted a more demanding behaviour towards the people-guards, showing them that there are no margins of retreating, neither in my thought or my actions, for any reason.
Accidentally again, one month and a half later the people guard who was controlling the doors of the prison, created another “unexpected” meeting with the murderer Korkoneas, which I exploited immediately, honouring my words and reminding him that even in frames of protection he cannot hide anywhere. Thus, I jumped him, while at the same time a prisoner – bodyguard of his pretending that he is breaking us up, held me giving him the chance to react slightly and after that to run away to the security of his cell. Of course this time again I appeared before the disciplinary council.
…. the war continues
Solidarity to the 14 Chilean comrades (who are persecuted in the “caso bombas”), to Gabriel Pombo da Silva (who has been in prison for over 20 years, 14 of them in the Spanish F.I.E.S. regime from where he escaped in 2004. He was arrested after a clash with the cops at the German borders in June of the same year and since then he is in the German prisons), to the 5 anarchists of “Fuoriluogo” in Bologna (who are accused for organized crime with subversive aims), to Silvia, Billy, Costa, Marco in Switzerland (they were arrested in Aril 2010 near Zurich when during a police check in their car were found explosives and a communiqué from ELF Switzerland), to Braulio Arturo Duran Gonzalez (he was arrested in September 2010. He is accused of attacks on banks and other targets), and to Adrian Magdaleno Gonzalez in Mexico (was arrested in February 2010 for a bomb attack on the under construction metro station of Taxquena. Also accused also of arson attacks and for participation in actions of Animal Liberation Front)
Freedom to all the imprisoned fighters all over the world
Long Live the Informal Anarchist Federation – International Revolutionary Front
Honour to comrade Alexandros Grigoropoulos
Honour to anarchist revolutionary Lambros Foundas (member of the R.O. Revolutionary Struggle)
Honour to comrade Mauricio Morales (who died in May 2009 when the bomb he was carrying exploded on him)
Damianos Bolano
Proud member of the R.O. Conspiracy Cells of Fire
General Penitentiary of Domokos
TK 35010                                                                 
19/5/11
P.S. A warm greeting of fire and comradeship to the comrades of the Italian F.A.I. who send a letter-bomb to the Manager of Koridallos prisons and filled us with strength and courage, and to all the other groups who continue the struggle non-stop supporting in practice the Informal Anarchist Federation – International Revolutionary Front from Russia to England, from the USA to Poland, from Spain to Mexico and Greece…
P.S. 2 Solidarity to anarchist revolutionary Theofilos Mavropoulos, who was arrested injured after a clash with cops at an accidental police control in Pefki area. Solidarity and strength to the anarchist revolutionary who got away with their cop-car.
And remember that nothing more than a wall divides us.

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Update on C.C.F. trial 2/6/11

Update on C.C.F. trial

The defendants in the trial for the organisation “Conspiracy Cells of Fire” might leave the court again. The reason is, the decision of the court to project in the trial dozens of photographs from their personal moments, that were found in cds and dvds that were confiscated along with their personal computers.

Snapshots from trips, carnival disguises, games, even certain… naked photographs are among the material that the Three-member appeals Court decided to show in front of all who watch the trial, despite the fact nothing of that is related with the actions of the official charges.
Their advocates submitted multiple objections, as well as an application of retraction, with a view to deter the projection of the photographs.

They said it offends their dignity, personal data and private life.
 “What aim does it have to project the personal moments, friendly or erotic relations of the defendants? You know that all these pictures do not have any value. What you wish is to humiliate them in public!” said characteristically the advocate of M.Giospas, Mr G.Agiostratitis.
He added that the photographs contain personal moments not only of them but also of their friends, which are not related with the case and which will see their private life be exposed in public view. Immediately Konstandina Karakatsani declared that she will not attend, while the remaining defendants are expected to comment at the next date, when their lawyers will attend also.

I am unable to comprehend why our personal moments concern the court. You are acting like a peeping tom”, said P.Masouras, while M.Giospas addressed the judges asking “how you would feel if we projected in public the private moments of your children? ”

The remaining present defendants made statements in the same spirit, letting it be know that they will withdraw as well, if the court insists on the projection.

LETTER FROM GERASIMOS TSAKALOS(greece)

Posted on May 26, 2011 

Letter concerning my sudden transfer to the prisons of Corinth

I remain free even as a prisoner…

Saturday 21st of May, while I had been transported a few days earlier from the prisons of Malandrinou to the prisons of Koridallos for the formal examination of the six-month period of my detention, they call me for my transfer back.
However the Hollywood inspired escort, (special forces, cop cars, a special prison-van for transfers) instead of Malandrinou, heads to the prisons of Corinth. For those who do not know, in the prison world, the correctional shop of Corinth is considered a model of a controlled prison with the overwhelming majority of the prisoners maintain almost “family” relations with the warders.
The reasons of my sudden transfer are obvious. The special treatment that has been saved for us by the Central Committee of Transfers which is under the ministry of justice, to all the members of Conspiracy Cells of Fire, with our scattering to eight different prisons, has not completed its vengeful fury against us.
Upon my arrival to Corinth, I made it clear explicit that for reasons of dignity and only, because the question is not that I want to choose prisons, I deny to remain in this correctional shop that often you cannot distinguish who is the warder and who is the prisoner.
I practically denied therefore to comply to the humiliating practices of the employees during the body search, ignoring them profanely. For this disobedience of mine they sent me to isolation for 2 hours and then choosing to keep a low tone they “installed” me in a cell with 4 other prisoners, without a bed which meant I would sleep on the floor.
From the first moment of my captivity I chose not to be the “good kid”, neither the “ideologist” of the prison. The matter, so much for me as well as every decent prisoner, is not “to get through our sentence quietly” “I get quietly through my sentence”, is as if we allow our lives to be locked for as many years as the judges-pimps throw in our faces. It is as if we become shadows of people that are forgotten by the others until they are forgotten finally also by them themselves. It is as if we become one with the endless coming-and-going of our mechanic steps in the courtyard, going nowhere.
However the wolf is still awake in us. I never accepted to be a locked-up individual and I know very well that the first step to freedom now and always is conquered through the awareness that ignores the prohibitions so much of society as well as prison.
This is why Monday 23rd of May I denied to enter the cell and I was led to the disciplinary room. My decision is final and irrevocable. I demand my immediate removal from Corinth prisons. And know that my small insubordination is recorded among dozens of other “anonymous” insubordinations that have been engraved in the walls of disciplinary and isolation rooms by decent prisoners of who we never knew their names.
These actions can constitute a common place of meeting with all those who do not passively count the day remained in their sentence, but clash daily with the mechanism of prison remaining free even as prisoners.
The people responsible and mainly those in charge in ministry of justice and the Central Committee of Transfers, should know that as it has been written Our day will come…
After all this, today Tuesday 24th of May my disciplinary transfer was decided. It was what I sought.

Gerasimos Tsakalos
Member of the R.O. Conspiracy Cells of Fire
Disciplinary room of Corinth prisons

P.S. My thought travels and escapes from the walls the disciplinary and it reaches Erithros Stavros hospital where the Comrade Theofilos Mavropoulos is hospitalized after his clash with the cops in Pefki.
Comrade hold strong.

Today, as they informed me at 6 p.m., will be realized a gathering outside Erithros stavros hospital from people in Solidarity.
Such actions prove THAT NO ONE THEY IS AND NO ONE WILL REMAIN ALONE.
boubourAs actforfreedomnow! 

Text concerning the sudden transfer of Gerasimos Tsakalos from Koridallos prisons to Corinth -greece

Posted on May 26, 2011 


Yesterday 20th of May a sudden transfer of Gerasimos Tsakalos, member of C.C.F., to Corinth prisons. The transfer was carried out with such hastiness that Tsakalos’ personal items are still in Malandrinou prisons. The executives of the ministry of justice continue to intensify the peculiar special regime of our detention-political isolation. After our scattering to eight different prisons (Grevena-Corfu-Komotini-Domokos-Thebes-Koridallos-Malandrino) and the “installation” of most of us into protection wings (wings intended for snitches and rapists) now is added also the transfer to Corinth.
The prisons of Corinth are mainly “official prisons” with most prisoners maintaining a wonderful relationship of collaboration with the warders. This tactic of a double prison aims at a permanent war of nerves that certainly will not remain unanswered. Already from the first moments of arrival of Gerasimos intensities were caused. The correctional employees in the search asked our comrade “to take off his boxers” during the strip-search. Of course they received his total and non-negotiable refusal.
This kind of search aims at the humiliation of each prisoner and constitutes a demonstration of power from the side of the warders.
Gerasimos with his refusal made it clear to them that their threats and their locks do not capture our dignity. The result was to lead him to isolation for two hours and then, officials and employees, obviously pondering the consequences, placed him the fifth individual in a cell, that means “staying” on the floor.
These techniques of punishment will not make us forget, neither will we forget ourselves. We remain for ever mutineers and embattled unleashing new challenges against authority.

COMRADE GERASIMOS TSAKALOS IS NOT ALONE
NOTHING IS OVER, EVERYTHING CONTINUES

P.S. The same moment that Comrade Theofilos Mavropoulos is hospitalized being guarded in the hospital after the clash with the cops in Pefki. We all know the special “care” that the pigs demonstrate on wounded comrades.
The least we can do is point out the need to not leave him alone. His case and his rare boldness, we will not allow it to be given away to silence.
It is the realistic regard of strength of every rebelled person that passes from disobedience to attack.
21-5-2011
R.O. Conspiracy Cells of Fire

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Letter from Giorgos Karagiannidis(greece)

Posted on May 17, 2011

Letter from Giorgos Karagiannidis(greece)

The facts are known more or less: on 17-1-11 began the trial of some of the accused of participation in the Revolutionary Organization. Conspiracy Cells of Fire. From its beginning it became obvious that democracy had decided to impose its terms, using the attendance of comrades as an occasion to strike in two fields: first to split the bond of the accused with those who come in solidarity in an effort to demean and depoliticize the trial and second to enrich the files of DAEEB (Authority of Confrontation of Special Crimes of Violence), with names and photographs for future use.

The direct reaction of the accused was to withdraw -spontaneous as well as decisive- it showed that we did not intend to tolerate the democratic totalitarianism.

Even if this move of ours, as well as those that followed, initially caused embarrassment and it blocked the development of the procedure, it also brought our collaboration as defendants to its limits, because of our major inhomogeneousness as a total, since we are individuals with different positions, opinions as well as personalities.

This of course in no case cancels the importance of the battle that was given, since it was the first time that it was attempted to answer, in a juridical room, straight up and substantially, the blackmails of democracy. As undeniable and historically fortified is the presence and the political defence in a court, it is also undeniable that it is not the only political proposal, since each action -given the history of political trials- has its own separate gravity. Revolutionary speech does not run out in the juridical rooms but mainly in the conversations of those who speak it.

Despite the errors and the weaknesses this fight constituted a precious experience in the direction of resistance to the destructive conditions that are imposed in political trials. An experience that needs to be capitalized, in view of the upcoming crowd of cases that will be tried in the following period aiming at the inversion of the climate in the special courts.

Bearing in mind the above, I consider that its understood why I insist on my initial decision to leave the trial, even though the “evidence” of my involvement has collapsed already since the first sessions. I consider that the axis of solidarity of the “inside” with the “outside” is the spear point of our counter-attack. This decision of course concerns this trial and not necessarily the next ones as well -without however excluding it- since every future decision will be taken with the then given facts.

P.S. Warm greetings to all who against the stubborness of our times, choose to express their solidarity by all means, giving meaning to the word.

Giorgos Karagiannidis
1st wing of Koridallos prisons 

Panayiotis Masouras: Statement in Solidarity with the “Bombings Case” Prisoners in Chile

13 03 2011http://thisisourjob.wordpress.com/2011/03/13/panayiotis-masouras-statement-in-solidarity-with-the-%E2%80%9Cbombings-case%E2%80%9D-prisoners-in-chile/

 
From Culmine (March 7, 2011) via Indymedia Barcelona (March 7, 2011):
On March 2, Panayiotis Masouras released the following letter in solidarity with the hunger strike being carried out by the imprisoned “Bombings Case” comrades in Chile.
In a world where most people exhaust themselves over the petty-bourgeois dilemmas produced by modern capitalism, and their common ethical code of self-interest celebrates the importance of saving their own skin, direct solidarity is a way to connect with people we’ve never met face-to-face and yet have fought and are fighting with on the same side: the side whose objective is true rejection of this society and its prevailing structures and perceptions.
It is an attempt to recover time and space, to stand firm beside one’s comrades. It is a permanent commitment to create alternative escape routes while consciously maintaining direct collaboration to spread revolutionary discourse and subversive practice as a necessary intensification of the struggle.
In the war being waged, we have known victory, we have confronted defeat, we have experienced joy, and we have tasted the bitterness of difficulty. In the trenches, between revolutionary forces and the regime’s machinery, losses come as the result of injuries on both sides. Of course, an inseparable part of the revolutionary movement comprises political prisoners, and it is inseparable because it makes us reflect on whether a war without losses can be called a war at all.
The captives express their opinion on how things are going, they take action, they propose solutions, they encounter dead ends, they communicate, and they are affected by severe doubts and anxieties. The discourse they articulate from behind the walls is a way for them to cut through the immovable wire fence and join the polymorphic subversive struggle.
Behind different walls, surrounded by different fences, locked up in cells far away from one another, what we share is the desire for liberation and the intensification of the radical subversive struggle for total disruption.
We continue to be among those decisive minorities that reject the dominant morality. We discover our commonalities in the context of struggle, spreading our ideas and completely rejecting the era we were destined for.
We raise a global barricade against the structures of Domination, and we fight on the side of revolution. We fight until victory.
I send my Solidarity to comrades Andrea Macarena Urzúa Cid, Camilo Nelson Pérez Tamayo, Carlos Luis Riveros Luttgue, Felipe Guerra Guajardo, Francisco Solar Domínguez, Mónica Andrea Caballero Sepúlveda, Pablo Hernán Morales Führmann, and Rodolfo Luis Retamales Leiva, who are captives of the Chilean regime and began a hunger strike on February 21, 2011, demanding the immediate release of all comrades being charged in their case.
—Panayiotis Masouras, political prisoner, Korydallos Prison
Note: The above statement doesn’t mention comrades Vinicio Aguilera and Omar Hermosilla, likely because news hadn’t yet reached Greece that Aguilera and Hermosilla were back in prison and had immediately joined the hunger strike. Another error is the mention of Pablo Morales as one of the hunger strikers, when in actuality he is the only one who has not joined.

LETTER FROM K.KARAKATSANI (greece)
LETTER FROM K.KARAKATSANI

 1. About the “Agreement” 

 Avoiding public controversy, I could not answer the statement of those who claim my attitude in order to put together the pieces of their scattered obtuseness. 

But I am doing it, to be consistent in my commitment to the wider struggle. I do not intend to step on the backs of others to rise seemingly, either way I have things to say.
But it would be very cheap and also would not help the political situation, to limit myself to what we said and what we did not say with some. The essential ruptures liberate so now I have no hesitation to break the taboo of public criticism of fighting actions. And of course, since some spoke more than they deserve, I have to mention issues that I would otherwise consider have no place in a public text. First, therefore, I will clarify my position, but i seek also to give food for thought from the moment we stand embarrassed in front of unfamiliar situations. 
I will begin with the matter of the “agreement” that supposedly I made with my co-defendants. They wrote that they “talked seriously about the possibility of the trial to happen behind closed doors and how they would react to this possibility. From my side, I never participated in such discussions did not move on any pre-planned common action. The only thing mentioned to me
, was the matter of the audience, ie not to let cops occupy seats so the largest possible number of people in solidarity can enter the room. This was the only thing we had reached an agreement on and all other requests came suddenly into the spotlight. Which means, their claim was not the product of an understanding or at least I did not know such a thing. Of course I did not express any objections to any demands and what happened the first day had my consent. Certainly for a moment I viewed the withdrawal as a gesture of protest because no one knew of the possibility of a trial in absentia. From the moment we were informed about it, everything came under discussion again and while I was possessed with skepticism, I avoided making hasty moves and statements that I could not process, within the very tight time frame. So, I did not commit to something, leaving temporarily a gap in my attitude. And because i functioned completely individually, like I intended, I did not communicate my thoughts to anyone. So, if I left room for misinterpretation, it was my fault and I accept it of course. Between that I agreed to enter demands and that I agreed to be tried in absentia, is a great distance. That I was asked and “assured that I still agree” and other such things that were written, is obscene lies.On the contrary they knew that I have not told my lawyers that i will cease them. But anyway, since the beginning of this case up to now I move completely independently, so I think I have not given any impression to my co-defendants, so they can imagine such agreements, that prerequisite proper consultation, the intention of fighting coexistence and comrade feeling. Concepts certainly that do not characterize our relations .. and made it clear to them, by telling them in the holding cells from the start: “you should know that i do not feel any unity with any of you”. 
Meanwhile, in the intervening week until the next court, it should have been to everyone visible my differentiation from this situation: my lawyers do not participate in the press conference, my parents do not sign the text of the other parents, I do not align myself with texts
 and statements of the others. It is therefore obvious that I am handling this case alone and I will never proceed to cooperate with some, that as more suspicious now, I think that perhaps they wanted to turn the trial into a spectacular blockbuster and would find a reason either way to do so. (To be honest I do not think they all had the same intention)
2.about the court

In a previous letter I have already referred briefly to the reasons I chose not to leave the trial. We have as first fact, a court in full alignment with the regime’s totalitarianism. This is anything but surprising, as it is included in the overall context of the “special treatment” of dissidents, where everything is converted to “special”. Transport conditions, conditions of detention, conditions of litigation. And we experience it as “special” arrested, imprisoned, accused. Through this, expressions such as “legitimizing the practice of the judges” is the definition of a superficial approach. Nobody goes voluntarily to a court. So when any revolutionary is in a court with “special” features he/she “legitimizes” its practices, and therefore its existence? When they transfer you with bulletproof vests and stretched out automatic machine guns, you legitimize this process, and hence the existence of the anti-terrorist police? When we were in the offices of the prosecutors, did we “legalize” them as well? When you are a prisoner, again against your will, do you “legitimize” the existence of prisons? And because we are in places that naturally have hostile characteristics (holding cells, courts, prisons), generally what we do is to “legitimize” state terrorism? Eventually, everyone can experience in our time such procedures, but the question is how we stand in them. And if anyone still believes that the presence in court means “legalization “, then they would do well not to attend any proceedings for this case, nor another, nor to the appeals courts. Because the id cards will continue to be held and generally the same conditions will not cease to exist. We will be here. No one else, except time will decide who is consistent in his choices. To not attend a trial demeaning it, is a respectable choice of denial. Not going to a trial because you wanted to do something and it did not work out and you are trapped in your own selfishness is a result of bad strategy.

As for me, I’ll be there in order not to become a spectator of my conviction, especially when it is a case in which I do not accept the charges and my prosecution in general. And of course, every trial of such type can not but target from our side to the confrontation with the state, the emergence and diffusion of subversive ideas. And not to consume the insurrection of each one, creating a force field although strong, ineffective. 

3

.about the hunger strike.

Soon the situation slipped from the bipolar of presence or absence from the trial. It took other dimensions, when it was decided by some to start a hunger strike, in order to return to the trial after their demand concerning the holding of the identities is met, something which was obviously impossible. If the mobilization was decided considering no one will go to the trial (as they said), then the trial would finish rapidly. The strike would not have had time to evolve, the sentences would be announced, the state would have ignored this mobilization and it would have been permanently exempted from the  Halandri case, without any discomfort. And on the other hand we dispersed in prisons all over the place with a sense of dissatisfaction on our consciences. With these facts, it is worth wondering where they base the assertion “we could have achieved a significant victory”. Not only  there was no chance of victory, but in my opinion, the matter was also placed on a wrong base. The defeat was prescribed and that is why there was an attempt to avoid the strike. In the end it started a week late, for selfish reasons, just because it was announced. 

And in the end, my presence at the trial marked the gaining of time. 

If the hunger strikers had taken their task seriously, they could see this as an opportunity to carry out their struggle. To exploit the duration of the trial, bringing the strike to the point where their health would put more pressure, and hopefully on the horizon would appear a promising prospect. But since they gave up, probably its not me who cannot take the weight! Personally I was not interested in any way to occupy myself with this move, since I saw from the beginning the unsuited exaggeration and non-productivity, so I cannot be attributed with any role of influence to it. The state is pressured by those who strike not those eating.
And to finish with the games to impress, let it be clear that these individuals, although they perceived the dead-end of this option, they thought they could not backtrack to not look like they are retreating and so they found in me a perfect excuse to retreat . And of course, when they were in front of their responsibilities, in order to not recognize that they were trapped by their wrong handling, attempted my moral and political obsolescence, in order for their own credibility to remain intact. 
Besides, my attitude was which suited everyone. 
First: me who I said clearly I did not want to be tried in absentia, nor did I agree to it, second, the piece that also did not want, but expected the divisive factor Karakatsani to take the blame, but also the remaining piece looking for a smooth exit from the hunger strike. This is the piece that unloaded on me all the responsibilities in the review of a political failure of hunger strikers. Which better not be historically recorded as such, but as a result of a political imbalance, because then it reaches the point of commoditization of the instrument, its individual goals and achievements. To not historically be recorded as such, since the movement’s legacy remains alive the vivid memory of the hunger striker Christophoros Marinos in 1995 for his liberation, of the Turkish political prisoners in 2000 who were on strike for the white cells dropping dead one after another, the hunger striker Holger Meins exterminated by the German state after forced feeding in 1974, etc. Remain alive the memories to remind us that the strike is not a simple painless instrument but means of struggle in which is compromised the health and life of those who decide to use it. Alive or Dead. Either a winner and standing or a loser and lying down. A middle situation does not exist and no Karakatsani is an excuse to retreat. So lets be a little more modest. An honest self-criticism would have more chances to win the respect, unlike the responsibility feared backlash move, which cast the burden on my shoulders.

I am and I will remain INCONSISTENT for those who trivialize practices and demean forms of struggle that have historically been landmarks of struggles in revolutionary procedures.
INCSINCERE for those who shift their responsibilities to others, relegating even any sense of self criticism . I am and always will be DISRUPTIVE for those who choose moves that are on the verge of self victimization and give reasons to useless subjects to speak of me politically, who sabotage the revolutionary vision, more efficiently than dominance itself. (referring only to the arson in the Law school). And honorably, I am and I will be in the future ENRAGED, for those who adopt attitudes and behaviors that are not recognized within the scope of my political assessment. Also among other things, I will also be a traitor, to anything that does not coincide with my value and fighting positions.

Honest I will be only with those who consciously honour their value codes. My robust respect and consistency therefore will only be enjoyed by those who feel comradeship as the highest good. A concept that should be worn as a crown on our heads, because it is also the lobby of the post-revolutionary order.

P.S.: The reason I sent the last letter was very specific. I wanted to say a few words about the trial, but mainly intended to block some journalists who over did it on my attitude, in order for obvious reasons to promote the “rupture of the accused”. A crack that existed anyway, I just thought that i should treat it as an internal matter (of those who sit in the same dock), protecting it from any kind of enemies, visible and invisible, who are flattered by such statements, and not to expose it before all for cannibalism. As it seems, however, I was the only person who respected this value rule. 


P.S.2: In the text of my co-defendants I could see that with a very petty political practice they tried to turn against me also those who stand in solidarity, writing that “I legalize the court’s decision to register the people”. Obviously i consciously discredit those who deliberately swallow, without chewing, these words. Whatever I say is for those who enroll themselves in the direction of building a strong revolutionary movement with healthy terms that will not step over respect, but promote it, will not cover up its political mistakes, but will learn from them. 
As long as these situations find support within the movement, so long will they destabilize it, disintegrating it from within. 
KOSTANDINA KARAKATSANI 
-female prisons of Koridallos. 25/2/2011


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